"Sport" is a cultural field of activity in
which people voluntarily enter into a relationship with other
people in order to compare their respective abilities and skills
in the art of movement - according to self-imposed or adopted
rules and on the basis of socially accepted ethical
values.
"Sport" ist ein kulturelles
Tätigkeitsfeld, in dem Menschen sich freiwillig in eine
Beziehung zu anderen Menschen begeben, um ihre jeweiligen
Fähigkeiten und Fertigkeiten in der Bewegungskunst zu
vergleichen - nach selbst gesetzten oder übernommenen Regeln
und auf der Grundlage der gesellschaftlich akzeptierten ethischen
Werte.
"Sport" est un domaine
d'activité culturel, dans lequel les gens s'engagent
volontairement dans une relation avec d'autres personnes afin de
comparer leurs capacités et compétences respectives
dans l'exercice physique adroit - selons des règles
autoétablies ou héréditaires et sur la base
de valeurs éthiques socialement
acceptées.
My German definition of "Sport" was first put on the
Internet in January 2002 and has been revised several times since
then. The here presented English version is simply a proposal,
too, which I would like to put up for discussion.
In the following, I will first explain why and how I define "sport", secondly I will
discuss the limits and benefits of my
proposed definition, and thirdly I will explain the individual elements of my
definition.
1. Define "sport" - why and
how?
To define "sport" (in English) is a big task,
especially for me, a German. My efforts are based on my (German) definition of
the German term "Sport" (explaned).
In (American) English, furthermore, there is a fine
distinction between "sport" and "sports". The editors of the
"Routledge Companion to Sports History" (Abingdon & New York,
2010), S. W. Pope and John Nauright, addressed this issue in
their first footnote (p. 9) with resigned regret: "Both of us
(like most historians in our field) have consistently referred to
our work as 'sport history' which somehow seemed a bit more
serious than 'sports history'. Routledge preferred 'sports
history' ..." - why at all?!
For me, it’s not only a "snobbish" attitude
or "a bit more serious" (Pope and Nauright, ibid. p. 9) to use
the term "sport" in the singular, but a question of the proper
linguistical category. "Sport" (in German: "Sport") in general
sense is an abstract term for a field of activity, and in this
sense it's (in German) a singulare tantum; you can use
it only in the singular. In English, "a (certain) sport" is a
special kind of activity, one of many (in German: "Sportart"); in
this sense, you can use it (in English) as well in the singular
as in the plural. So when you say "sports", it is
always a number of kinds of (sporting) activities.
The rare reflections on the term "Sport" by German
authors mostly remain vague and unprecise. They find their
culmination in Röthig's and Prohl's definition of "Sport" -
or better: its avoidance - in the (German) "sport-scientific
dictionary" ("Sportwissenschaftliches Lexikon", 2003, p. 493):
"Since the beginning of the 20th century, S. has developed
into a colloquial term used worldwide. Therefore, a precise or
even unambiguous conceptual delimitation cannot be made."
(my translation, C.T.). In the core statement, it has been in the
"Sportwissenschaftliches Lexikon" since 1983. This capitulation
to the necessary conceptual effort or even the explanation that
it is from the outset not a meaningful undertaking because it is
impossible, I consider a momentous step of thought, which in my
opinion has negatively determined the German publications of the
last decades.
In my opinion, every scientist must have as
clear a concept as possible of the subject of his science and
explain it in his publications. The idea that a
physicist does not have an exact concept of physics, a lawyer
does not have an exact concept of law, etc., might seem strange
to all people. But this is exactly what most and most influential
sport scientists in Germany (and also some in other countries and
cultures) declare to be normal or even normative.
The result are scientific works in which everything
is counted as "sport", even something as in my opinion absurd as
"health sport". In connection with the fact that
according to the prevailing view (represented in the
"Sportwissenschaftliches Lexikon") most sport scientists
do not even strive for a clear terminology, this results
in complete arbitrariness and ambiguity in the discourse of sport
science.
Anyone who is not willing to accept this
development (or this prevailing state in the meantime) must face
the laborious task of clarifying "sport" (as the central concept
of sport science); he/she must determine its scope or limits, and
that means defining "sport". And such a (working) definition must
be made public by every scientist. I am doing this hoping that
all those who strive for clear concepts in cultural studies will
give a productive resonance.
(Cf. the later mentioned and quoted definition of
"Bewegungskultur" [culture of human motion] as well
as my further proposed definitions of "Kunst" [art],
"Gewalt"
[violence], "Aggression" [aggression], as well as "Olympismus"
[olympism] and "Frieden" [peace], all of them at present
still only in German - sorry!)
A definition should determine and
delimit the meaning of a term. For the sake of clarification: To
understand a definition as a precept, regulation or the like
would be a misunderstanding. Every thinking person forms his/her
own opinion and uses words in his/her own meaning. But one should
not exaggerate this subjectivistically or constructivistically.
We are social beings, designed for exchange and understanding
with other people, in science in any case. If we want to
communicate with other people, who have their own use of words,
we must - even in a not completely unimportant everyday
conversation - be able to clarify our (respective) use of words,
at least on request.
Furthermore, scientists have to clarify their key
concepts from the outset, without waiting for demand. When sport
scientists unaskedly tell themselves and the interested public
what they understand by sport and why they use this term this
way, they only do what is necessary; if they don't, it's a
serious obstacle to understanding. In this sense,
defining is a necessary input for the scientific exchange
of knowledge and opinions.
Of course, definitions are not instruments that
should or could change reality in the first place; rather, it is
mainly the found (objectively given) reality in them that should
be brought into the (subjective) concept in a clear and selective
way. "in the first place", "mainly" - with this choice of words I
have already indicated that in all words, thus also (or even
more) in definitions, an idea of what reality could be (or
should be for me) is represented. This is what makes
subjectivity unbreakable.
With my words (and thus also definitions) I do not
pursue a purely objectivist ideal (which is not achievable
anyway). On the other hand, I don't understand my wording as
merely subjectivist, voluntaristic or even constructivistic. This
means that I accept the priority indicated above, in which both
are abolished: Definitions should be as clear and
selective as possible and at the same time at least indicate in
all fineness how reality could (or should)
be.
Several types of definitions can be distinguished:
Real (or essence) definition, nominal definition, declarative
definition, ostentatious and operational definition. I propose -
according to a philosophical tradition going back to Aristotle -
a so-called real definition. It should determine
the essence of the entity to be defined by indicating the next
higher genus (genus proximum) and the species-forming
difference (differentia specifica). Mistakes can be made
in a proper definition if, for example, it is too narrow or too
wide, contains contradictions, is unclearly formulated, contains
a negative formulation or even the word to be defined itself
(cf. Regenbogen, Arnim; Uwe Meyer (Eds.) (2013):
Wörterbuch der philosophischen Begriffe, founded by F.
Kirchner and C. Michaëlis, continued by J. Hoffmeister,
completely new ed. by A.R. und U.M. Hamburg: Felix Meiner 2013 (=
Philosophische Bibliothek, vol. 500), keyword
„Definition“).
If one wants to work out such a definition, as it
is offered by the way in most dictionaries and encyclopedias, one
must think first of all therefore, to which
genus (i.e. taxonomic group) sport belongs,
which terms are settled on the same level and which is the
next higher genus (term level, genus
proximum). To assign the term apple, for example, to the
genus fruit would go one step too far, because pome fruit is the
next higher genus. For me, the next higher genus for the
term "sport" is "field of activity". Sport is one of
many fields of activity for me. I have already somewhat limited
the abundance of fields of activity by the adjective "cultural".
I will explain this element of my definition and all others in
more detail below (point 3).
In the second step one has to name the
"species-forming difference" (differentia
specifica), i.e. what distinguishes the (cultural) field of
activity sport from other (cultural) fields of activity. This
should be formulated as succinctly and clearly as possible with
words or terms that are as generally understandable as possible.
From the fundamental necessity that the terms used here must be
defined again, some authors conclude that such an approach were
infinite or even circular, which were a serious violation of the
definition rules; therefore one could or should not even try
such. This concern is as puristic as it is infertile. In my
opinion, it is both sufficient and necessary to accept the indeed
logically conceivable circularity as a "blur" in order
to acquire a great gain in conceptual clarity in
practice.
It is clear that this definition is also
subjective, the result of (my) action and (my) decision.
This subjectivity is inescapable. Others will act and
decide, formulate and define differently. Science consists of
dealing with other subjects, their actions and decisions.
Scientists offer in principle and publicly to justify their own
actions and decisions in a comprehensible way and thus to make
them verifiable. And other scientists are confronted critically
with the same claim.
When Röthig and Prohl in the
"Sportwissenschaftliches Lexikon" claim that "therefore" "a
precise or even unambiguous conceptual delimitation" of "sport"
were not possible, they refuse to accept what (sport) science
fundamentally constitutes; they thus remain in everyday language
use - and with them already more than a generation of (esp.
German) sport scientists.
By the way: the (logical) conclusion, claimed by
the word "therefore", is inadmissible; because from the
(appropriately named) conceptual properties "colloquial" and
"used worldwide" it cannot (simply) be concluded that the term
"sport" cannot be defined "precisely or even unambiguously".
All elements of my definition of sport are
necessary, and only together they are sufficient. This
means that an activity no longer belongs to "sport" even if only
one of the defining elements is not given. This is a figure of
thought, which makes possible a clear demarcation, and that is
finally the literal sense of ‘defining’.
2. Limits and benefits of this sport
definition
My proposed definition only covers part of
the everyday and colloquial term "sport". According to
this, much can no longer be referred to as sport (at least in
scientific wording), that is called so in everyday language use
(e.g. "health sport"). The difference is indeed considerable!
In many discussions I have learned that many people
are reluctant to use the word "sport" in this (narrow) meaning.
This is probably not only a clinging to the usual, it is probably
above all defending against a feared "attack" on a meanwhile
socially deeply anchored value consciousness: Sport and/or
sportiness is felt by most people of our society as a high value
and is emotionally deeply anchored as such; this applies probably
all the more to most sport scientists. In the eyes (or "hearts"!)
of many, a much narrower concept of sport seems to query a part
of their lifestyle that they (want to) understand as
"sporty".
The conceptual change proposed by me may - at least
in the beginning - lead to considerable uncertainty. My proposal
to use the term "culture of movement" (in German:
"Bewegungskultur") as a wider generic term for the activities
which, according to my definition, can no longer be classified
under "sport", does not seem to be able to simply compensate for
the "loss of sportiness" which is perceived as emotionally
significant by many.
In my opinion, the greatest and most general
benefit of this conceptual clarification arises for the discourse
of sport science: If sport scientists know from each
other what they understand by "sport", they can - especially with
different views - talk to each other in clear awareness of their
(different) use of the central concept of their science. The
prerequisite for this, of course, is that each one has his/her
own concept of sport (elaborated and communicated).
By the way: The colleagues who pleaded for a change
of term from "sport" to "movement" science have thus (apparently)
avoided the necessity of defining "sport" as the central concept
of their science, but they have considerably increased their
problem. An immense number of isues has to do with movement! I am
astonished at all that representatives of philosophy, physics,
sociology, psychology or many other fields of science have not
already protested against the claim that (former) sport
scientists have made already some time ago to be the (very and
only) scientists of "movement" - especially in the challenging
singular "movement science". After all, movement is a very
complex concept and central in many fields of science!
To work out an "own" definition of "sport" seemed
to me necessary already for a long time due to general scientific
theoretical considerations. However, I only made a real attempt
when I was preoccupied with reliminary considerations on an
overall presentation of sport history. I had to clarify the
conceptual question more seriously than before: What exactly did
I mean by "sport"?
In publications on sport history, I had noticed
long time before that many authors - mostly already in the
prefaces - have great difficulty "applying" the term sport to
earlier times; I call this the anachronism syndrome.
They mostly justified their concerns with today's broad use of
the term sport, which includes many earlier not existing
practices. Thus they entered a conceptual "dead end"; for with
what words should they name the phenomena of that time? And don't
further conceptual concerns emerge then?
I can only avoid this conceptual dilemma by
checking whether I can speak (and write) about "sport" both in
the present and in the past. This in turn requires a clear
definition.
With my definition, I have found
what I consider to be a useful solution. The definition
originated from the investigation of the present times and
circumstances, but due to its general formulation one can
also grasp the essence of what (of course from a today's
point of view) can be called "sport" in the distant
past.
In order to fill the big gap between my narrow
concept of sport and the boundless concept of sport, which is
used in everyday life and unfortunately also by most sport
scientists, I propose to use a word with a larger scope of
meaning: "culture of movement". Therefore I will speak of
"culture of movement and sport" in the future, if I want to grasp
the area of today's everyday term "sport". I have also
published and explained a proposal for the definition of the term
"culture
of movement" ("Bewegungskultur") on the Internet with
explanations, too:
"Movement culture" is a field of activity
in which people deal with their nature and environment and
consciously and intentionally develop, design and present their
physical abilities and skills in order to experience an
individual or shared gain and enjoyment that is important to
them.
If you use "sport" and "culture of movement" as
terms like I suggest, it is unimportant when and how these words
have been used so far; because with my definition I explain how I
want to use a word now (and in the future), what it means for me
here and now.
In my opinion, the much-discussed terminological
concerns of sports historians (I call it the anachronism
syndrome, which particularly affects authors researching ancient
sport history) are based on the fact that these authors have not
been able (or have been afraid) to clarify the meaning of the
term "sport" (by a definition). But if one faces this -
admittedly difficult - task, such concerns can be overcome. Some
(especially US-) authors (such as Mandell, Poliakoff and
Guttmann) have shown this in their (different) ways. The
usefulness of any definition can (and should) of course be argued
about - with a scientific claim.
In my opinion, the clearest proposal for a
definition of "sport" so far has been presented by the German
Meinhard Volkamer (1984): "Sport consists in the creation of
arbitrary obstacles, problems or conflicts, which are
predominantly solved by physical means, whereby the participants
agree on which solutions are to be allowed or not allowed" (my
translation, C.T.). It seems strange to me that Volkamer, in his
1987 version, removed the binding to agreed rules from his
proposed definition.
A (rare) example for the discussion hopefully to be
continued about a sport concept (especially for sport historians)
is the controversy in the first issue of the journal "Sport und
Gesellschaft - Sport and Society" of 2004 between Christiane
Eisenberg and Michael Krüger, in which Eisenberg - in my
opinion rightly - reproached Krüger (representing most other
German sport historians and scientists) for not (having and)
using a clear sport concept. By proposing a definition (which I
do not share), she has at least promoted the scientific
discussion, which has so far been culpably neglected.
3. Explanation of the individual
elements of my "sport" definition
For clarification, I will briefly explain the
individual elements of my definition of "sport" below:
"field of activity": This is the
"genus proximum" for the term "sport". Field of
activity (not: activity!) should clarify that "sport" is an
abstract issue, not an object, condition or the like. "Sport" is
also not a term for an activity, but a generic term (a field) for
many activities. Swimming, running or sailing are not from the
outset sports, but are words for certain activities, which -
only in a certain form! - belong to the (cultural) field
of activity called sport. In another form they can also
be words for everyday activities; then they belong to the field
of activity called everyday life.
If one wants to name an activity, one must use a
verb. Unfortunately, in German we do not have a simple one (such
as "sporten"), but only a compound one: "Sport treiben" generally
refers to activities in the field of sport (= sporting
activities). By the way, the composition of the words "Sport
treiben" also makes it clear that "Sport" in German is an
abstract term that needs a verb to name the activity in this
field. In English it seems similar: there is no single verb (like
"to sport") but the compound (like "to make sport").
The fact that the acting ones are humans (e.g. not
animals) seems to me self-evident, but must nevertheless be
clearly formulated; there are authors who advocate the thesis
that animals also practised "sport" (or "physical exercises",
Neuendorff 1930; Weiler also argues similarly in 1989). This will
hopefully become clearer with the following explanation of
"cultural".
"Field of activity" also means that the people in
this field do something themselves, act actively, in connection
with the other elements of this definition. People who, for
example, merely watch other sportsmen and sportswomen therefore
do not act in the field of sport, but in other fields of
activity, which, however, can be brought into connection
with sport. (Rioting) football "fans" are for me therefore
not necessarily a topic for sport scientists, but first and
foremost one for psychologists, sociologists or the like.
"Cultural": On the basis of the
natural circumstances and conditions, which humans have
influenced and changed (and still do) to an increasing extent,
people develop their ways of life culturally / socially. In the
tribal history of "homo", the ability to (self-)reflect means a
decisive step towards the development of communication, language
and free, playful thinking. Only after this development step can
one speak of "sport" (and other cultural fields of activity such
as "art"). Culture is the conscious, reflected shaping of
one's own development, both at the level of the human species and
at the level of the individual human being.
The cultural characteristic of sport becomes
particularly clear in the development of the sport rules (see
below!); people have thought about how they want to and can
shape the militant comparison with other people in such a way
that it could, for example, develop from bloody seriousness (as
it is partly described in the 23rd song of Homer's Iliad) to a
playful fight for higher art of movement.
The cultural quality of sport is not "proven" by
the fact that people in other cultural fields of activity - such
as fine arts or literature - have dealt with sport. This (wrong)
line of thought was (and still is) a popular element of public
speeches, but remains misleading as an attempt to enhance sport
as a relatively new cultural field with the consecration of
already recognised "elder" cultural areas. Such dubious figures
of thought are rather harmful, they are above all not necessary
at all.
"Voluntary": This criterion
excludes those people who act under pressure or coercion, even if
their activity otherwise fulfils all other criteria for sport,
e.g. most gladiators in Roman arenas (see below the remarks
on "on the basis of socially accepted ethical values"!).
Voluntariness should not be confused with joy,
pleasure or similar, by the way! The currently (in German)
so-called "Schulsport" (school sport), for example, although it
may be experienced by many as joyful, does not belong to sport
for me, insofar as it is part of compulsory education (compulsory
schooling, legal constraint!), i.e. it is not practised
voluntarily (up to a certain age). The former German term
"Leibeserziehung" ("physical education") was more honest.
Even in the "Bundeswehr" (army) and other closed
institutions one should not speak of "official sport", because
this activity is part of the service, i.e. not voluntarily
exercised; fitness training would be more appropriate; even more
honest would probably be the terms combat training or (para-)
military training, if forms of movement are practiced with
weapons.
Outside of school lessons, military service, etc.,
the same people can, of course, do sport(s), just voluntarily;
but within such coercive systems one should renounce this a label
fraud. For me, compulsory sport is a contradiction in terms.
Under the (actual) conditions of "professionalism",
athletes can (or must) gradually give up or lose the
voluntariness they may have experienced in the beginning. The
so-called "professional sport" functions to a large extent like a
coercive system, from which people cannot at least simply and
easily "get out". These circumstances sometimes suggest the (in
my eyes correct) statement: "This is not a sport (anymore)"! Also
the frequent comparison (or more precisely: the equation) of
today's professional athletes with antique gladiators has its
(limited) justification in this.
"to enter into a relationship with other
people": A single person without a relationship to
others is (already biologically) hardly viable. Social-cultural
life without human relationships would be a contradiction in
terms. Beyond this (banal) basic insight, an activity to be
called "sportive" is only justified by the fact that a human
being in this field of activity enters into a special,
comparative relationship (see below the remarks to
"compare"!) with at least one other human being through
his/her acting so.
Comparative relationship means for me that it is
valid only for humans among themselves as basically same beings.
No person can compare himself/herself with a mountain, for
example, even if colloquially "the mountain" is called an
(athletic?!) "opponent", even by otherwise serious sport
scientists (such as Güldenpfennig). For me this is not a
"relationship" (to a human being), but a "relation" (to a
thing).
Who only trains and compares his own physical
(movement) performance with the goal of surpassing it as much as
possible, has no relationship with an other person. This is of
course legitimate, but he/she does not make sport in my sense,
but rather culture of movement: Such a person deals with his/her
nature (and environment) and consciously develops his/her
physical abilities and skills in order to experience a
significant gain and pleasure for him/her. This corresponds
exactly to my definition of "culture of movement". And it is no
less good, has nothing devaluing, but is simply something other
than sport (in my sense).
A relationship with an other human being can also
be taken up across temporal and local boundaries inwardly, in
the imagination, with a human being in a completely
different place, even with a human being (as a role model or
competitor) who is no longer alive. Such an indirect, inner
relationship is the basis of the record principle in sport, according
to which the aim is to outperform achievements which have already
been achieved at some point and about which there is a handed
down, credible, and traceable report (this is the original
meaning of the English word "record").
In my opinion, the "record principle" in sport is harmful and
expendable. In principle, in sport it is not the question of
providing a performance that has not been surpassed so far
(superlative), but rather a better one in concrete comparison
here and now than the competitors (comparative). The
fixation on the achievement of ever new top and best performances
(records) is not only a hazard for the athletes' health, it is
also generally not good for the society.
In the competition itself, in which the here and
now principle applies, the relationship is immediate: the
other people are known to me, close in time and space (and I to
them), the desired comparison takes place directly with them.
The establishment of a relationship with another person and the
associated intentions and goals are - as psychological processes
- not always easy to be recognised in the individual, concrete
external actions, sometimes not at all. In my opinion, however,
the intentions and goals are decisive for the relationship of the
people involved and thus for whether or not their actions are to
be located in the field of sport. Therefore the (social and)
psychological context has to be considered carefully.
An example: When I sprint to reach a bus, I don't
act sporty. The action of the sprint may be (almost) the same as
that of an athlete in training or competition, viewed from the
outside; but my sprint to the bus does not happen to me - at the
level of that action! - to enter into a (comparative)
relationship with other people. In sports training or
competition, however, I sprint to get myself - on the level of
this action! - to enter into a (comparative) relationship with
other people.
Perhaps the boundaries of meaning become even
clearer when I take the example just mentioned to extremes: If,
during the sprint to the bus, I saw another person sprinting to
the bus from the other side the same distance and if I somehow
agreed with him/her that we could both compare, compete, the who
of us reached the bus door earlier, then all the definition
elements for "sport" would be given: Out of this small everyday
situation we both would have made a small, fleeting situation of
"sport".
In many activities, which are colloquially and
broadly assigned to sport, the relationship element at the
activity level itself and / or the aim of comparison according to
rules is missing (see below!), for example in movement
training for the purpose of rehabilitation (so-called "health
sport"!), jogging (except as training for a competition),
juggling, dancing (except tournament dancing), fitness training
or "body building"; they are therefore not sporting activities
for me, even if people may live a different kind of relationship
(e.g. sociability) during or with this activity. The relationship
with (at least) one other person must be necessary for the
activity itself, lived in it and through it, and it must contain
the other elements of definition (intention of comparison, etc.)
if the activity is to belong to the field of activity "sport".
For me, the above-mentioned and many other activities belong
predominantly to the field of activity "culture of movement".
However, the boundaries are not rigid. One can - as
shown in the example (sprint to the bus door) and as can be seen
in the cultural history, e.g. of dancing and gymnastics - make a
lot of things into a sporting activity, convert into a
"sport".
"abilities": The differently
gifted people have or develop different possibilities for action
in different fields of activity, including sport. The term
"abilities" rather refers to general, comprehensive possibilities
of acting which can be based on talent, genetic "equipment",
constitution, practice and experience, e.g. being quick to react
or flexible or persevering or being able to assess a complex
situation quickly and correctly.
In the course of cultural history, the sometimes
considerable differences in the possibilities of acting of
different people - congenital or acquired - have led to different
classifications of competitors in the sense of a "fair"
comparison of the "art of movement" (see below!),
especially according to age, body weight, gender and type of
disability (in this historical order). Since each such
classification represents an (arbitrary) regulation (see
below!), it can and should be disputed. The fact that, for
example, there is no (even) classification according to body
length means that in some sports small people hardly have a
chance compared to large ones (and sometimes vice versa); I
consider this to be problematic; however, it can (also) be
regulated.
"skills": This term describes more
specific acting possibilities, smaller action elements, which can
be acquired / developed in particular through intensive practice
(training), e.g. safely handling dumbbells, jumping a somersault
or (while sailing) driving a fast turn / jibe.
At least in the past it was possible for (adult)
people to have certain movement abilities or skills of such a
high level due to their inherited trait and/or natural and
cultural living conditions alone that they were not only
competitive in sports without any additional special training
effort, but were also superior to people from other cultural
areas, e.g. the Ethiopian marathon runner Bikila Abebe 1960 in
Rome (at that time even barefoot) and still in 1964 in Tokyo (but
then with running shoes).
In general - also with Bikila Abebe, but in a
culturally different way - the development of sporting action
possibilities consists of a long process of learning, practicing,
training, mostly under guidance. This also has usually been the
case in earlier times and cultures.
But there were also "natural talents" who - only
apparently - "just like that" would have been competitive in the
"sports" developed by Europeans (and Americans). At the beginning
of the 20th century, German / European colonisers in today's
Rwanda, for example, were astonished to discover that there were
many young men in the "Watussi" tribe (today: Tutsi) who jumped
above heights that were far above the high jump "world record" of
that time. However, the young Tutsi did not acquire this ability
for a (sporting) competition, but as proof of their acquired
manhood. It
was a socially anchored form of movement culture.
In the "art of movement": Every
activity has a motor part, even if it may be small and hardly
perceptible from the outside. A designation of the field of
activity to be defined only with the term "movement" would
therefore not be very selective.
With the word "art" (of movement) I want to point
to a graded consideration of the quality of movement,
through which a differentiation from everyday movements in
particular becomes clear. Instead of "in the art of
movement" I could also say "in the skillful
movement". "Art origins in ability" - this saying (in German:
"Kunst kommt von Können") has been in my head with the word
(component) "art", and not possible aesthetic meanings of
art. The point at which the nature, extent and significance
of the (skillful) movement are sufficient to designate an
activity as sporting is not fixed, but remains open in this
definition; this can and must be discussed and argued about.
It must depend on the skillful
movement that must be at the centre of the activity. How many
calories are consumed is not essential. The sentence "sport is
when you sweat and take a shower afterwards" remains a nice
definition joke.
So, for example, playing chess does not count as a
sport for me, because playing chess does not essentially
depend on abilities and skills in the field of movement art, but
on the mental-strategic and tactical activity. Chess players of
the highest skill levels need hardly move at all; they only have
to say "e2 - e4" and "e7 - e5" to each other etc. in order to
play (start) a game of chess according to all the rules of the
art (e.g. in correspondence chess). The fact that chess players
also put physical strain on themselves during their competition
games and therefore sometimes also undergo fitness training does
not change the fact that it is not essential for them to move
artfully. At tournaments they may get into sweat, but this
remains part of everyday physical strain, which can be better
endured with trained fitness. "Shuffling clogs" remains in the
area of everyday movements, is even basically dispensable and
certainly not to be settled in the area of movement art. Also
when "flashing" it does not depend substantially from the
movement. It is of course helpful to be able to get the
opponent's watch going as quickly as possible with concentrated
movement; however, the decisive factor remains the intellectual
performance to make the right draws.
By the way, only the so-called protection of
existence as a (founding) member of the German (meanwhile
"Olympic") Sports Federation prevents the German Chess Federation
from being excluded. Everyone involved is probably aware that
chess is not (a kind of) sport. Since the International Olympic
Committee (IOC) has even recognized bridge games as a sport as
well as chess, it has lost for me at the latest any credibility
as "guardian" of the idea of sport (even if I myself like to play
chess and bridge).
A somewhat different borderline case is "motor
sport", especially "automobile sport". Here it seems to depend to
a significant extent on the quality of the equipment that is
available to the drivers (similar to "equestrian sports", see
below). When Michael Schumacher, "record world champion" in
Formula 1, was almost never able to drive at the top again in the
season after his last title defence, because his (new) racer was
obviously worse than those of his competitors, it became apparent
that in "automobile sport" (at least in Formula 1) the device is
probably more important than the driver, who was (at that time)
still regarded by his competitors as the (actually) better one.
Because my understanding of sport depends on the art of human
movement, I don't count car racing among the sporting events.
It seems similarly questionable to me in dressage
and show jumping, where the class of the horse often determines
the comparison. Just think of the "miracle mare" Halla, who 1956
in Stockholm carried the injured and heavily sedated Hans
Günther Winkler to the finish line in the second round of
show jumping to win the gold medal without any faults, or of the
former "miracle horse" Totilas, who was supposed to guarantee his
new (dressage) rider Matthias Rath victory - as long as it was
healthy.
The sporting principle could be "saved" or
reestablished in such competitions, for example, if at least the
people qualified for a final fight (e.g. the last four) had to
prove themselves with all the foreign equipment or horses. By the
way, such a rule has already existed in the past for horse
riding.
In the flat race the respective horses are honestly
named as "winners", the (respective, changing) jockeys only in
second line; this is obviously not a kind of sport in the sense
of my definition, even if the operators and fans traditionally
(with nostalgic, obsolete "historical" reasons) attribute
themselves to sport. The fact that even the breeders or
respective owners of the horses are also celebrated as sporting
winners (wrongly, because they are really not active in the field
of skillful movement) points to the late feudal origins of this
social phenomenon, which in today's capitalist society continue
to be cultivated.
In discussions with me - of all me, a violinist and
viola player! - some people argue: Musicians have to practice the
highest art of movement with their instruments, they are in
relationship with other people, they strive for high performance
in organised comparisons, etc., in short: According to my
definition, making music with instruments is probably also a kind
of "sport". This is opposed - despite the correctness of the
individual statements - by the fact that movement for
instrumental musicians is a means for a purpose, that the sense
of playing an instrument or even singing does not consist in
(skillful) movement, but that movement when making music
serves to produce (melodious) sounds, no matter how
demanding, strenuous and sweaty this activity may be.
In sport, it is important to master a previously
agreed and regulated challenge through skillful movement(s) and
to be better than the competitors; the "leibliche"
(perhaps better than bodily!) art of movement is the
determining factor, what matters. The extent of physical movement
is not fixed.
Another area that is often disputed in discussions
with me is, for example, the question of whether or not (the
olympic "sport-") shooting is a sport, as I define it - except
shooting hunters, soldiers, policemen, etc., of course. The fact
that targeting requires to control movement with a tendency to
limit it as much as possible (especially in biathlon, when the
cross-country athletes struggle against their movements caused by
heavy breathing), seems to indicate that shooting does not fit
the definition. For me, however, it is a special art to
control the movement in a way to master it so skilfully,
that a promising situation is brought about, which one can use to
meet the target. The extent of the movement visible from the
outside is (when shooting and in principle) not what matters
here. Anyone who ever tried sport-shooting (with pistol or rifle)
will confirm this; when shooting at moving targets (trap) as well
as in archery, even the layman will probably be able to
understand this. A similar argument could also be made (and
refused) with regard to the "holding" and "standing" parts in
gymnastics or figure skating.
By the way, in the realm of shooting "sport", it
should be considered to generally replace the actually used
lethal guns by nonlethal ones, by new rules, or if necessary, by
law! This would meet the ethical commitment at the end of my
definition (see below!).
"compare": People with their
abilities and skills can and want to (apparently in almost all
cultures) compare themselves with other people in the field of
the art of movement as well, in order to determine the better in
different modes of activity, which have been and still are
developed culturally for the sake of better comparability
("sports"). This happens by its nature in the form of a
direct regulated comparison ("competition") in a certain
place at the same time (with or without witnesses and / or
referees).
Since the 19th century, also indirect
comparison systems have been developed which increasingly brought
more individuals or groups into competition with each other and
which were / are not designed for a selective, immediate
decision. To this end, people have developed various forms of
preliminary, challenge or qualification competitions, first of
all in the team sports (leagues, round matches, etc.), then also
in the individual sports. The forms of such comparisons
constitute the empirical richness of sport history. The motives
behind the individual people or teams involved or the social
groups supporting them, the significance of these comparisons for
them, are also interesting historical and current
circumstances.
The mere display of even the most highly developed
abilities and skills in the field of movement art (e.g. circus
artistry) is not a sporting activity for me, because (or insofar
as) here the comparative relationship to at least one other
person in this field of activity is missing or not
essential. There are many former (top) sportsmen and -women who
have switched to the show sector (e.g. figure skaters); according
to my understanding of the term, they change from "sport" to
"culture of movement". They perform their high art of movement
without primarily striving for comparisons with other people. One
can also compare specific artists with others, but the comparison
is then brought to them from the outside and does not essentially
lie in their own activity.
Since one's own acting is a necessary component of
my definition, all those who only incite other people to a
comparison in the field of movement art are not "sportsmen"
either, as e.g. the English "gentlemen" did in the late feudalist
resp. early capitalist period ("patronage sport"). They let their
servants or other (paid) people compete against each other (in
horse-racing, running, sailing etc.) and bet on the outcome
(hence "Wettkampf" in German!).
It may be irritating that it was precisely this
delegating of their actions ("sportsmanship") that was the
cultural-historical origin of the (early, English) term "sport".
Letting other people act for themselves is still occasionally a
historical remnant in today's "sport", for example when the
owners of large (and very expensive) sailing yachts are declared
regatta "winners" according to the rules on construction and
equipment, even if they were not on board at all. They are not
sportsmen for me (see above the remarks on horse racing!).
As an active member of their crew, they are of course.
"According to self-imposed or adopted
rules": Since sport is about voluntary activities as well as
about a comparison of movement abilities and skills, the people
in this field of activity must compound with or adopt (proven)
rules according to which the better, the winner of the
competition, is to be ascertained and determined. Without such an
agreement - for me of course on the basis of respect for one's
own life and that of others (see below!) - sport would
easily become a rampant, destructive struggle, war.
Incidentally, there is much to be said for the assumption that
the most deadly duel is a "predecessor" of sport, which has been
culturally "defused", "tamed" in the course of cultural
development by limiting through rules.
No matter how bizarre the agreed rules may seem,
how difficult to understand they can be for outsiders; as soon as
they are understood and accepted by all the actors involved, they
constitute for them their own (cultural) field of activity - in
other words: sport - in which the "victory" is also fought for
with rules-utilizing hardness.
The "fairness" often invoked in this context is
another term to be clarified which, in my opinion, is often
wrongly located in cultural history and, moreover, excessively
morally charged. For me, the core of fairness, not only for
cultural-historical reasons, is the regularity and the resulting
predictability, reliability, on the basis of which all those
involved gain security of action when they fight for victory (or
for material advantage in bartering; the English word "fair"
still means a togetherness, at which goods are exhibited and
exchanged, traded).
"on the basis of socially accepted ethical
values": I "slaved away" with this definition element,
and for a long time I was not completely satisfied. At first my
formulation was "without wanting to harm them or themselves". I
wanted to make it clear that I wanted to rule out any
intentional harm. In sports, carelessness and unfortunate
situations, "in the heat of the moment", can lead to harm;
that is ethically not a fundamental problem. The only important
thing is that there is no intention, no deliberate negligence, no
endorsing accepting. This should always be (self-) critically and
thoroughly examined and clarified, if necessary also by referees.
In the best case - and fortunately often - this succeeds by the
parties involved agreeing immediately afterwards (often without
words, with glances and gestures) and peacefully separating (for
example with a conciliatory handshake), in order to continue
fighting for success in the sporting competition unburdened after
this good clarification with rule-utilizing hardness.
In one of the many discussions about the concept of
sport, it has become clear to me that it is more general and
better to refer to (general) ethical values, and that the
addition "socially accepted" refers to the norms as culturally
dynamic, its constant change (hopefully in a good direction!)
makes clear, both within a certain society and in comparison of
different societies (see below the example
pankration!).
In general, it is true in (almost) all societies
that no one may intentionally harm another human being. This
applies in particular to the relationship of responsibility
adults (parents, trainers, etc.) have towards children and young
people. My earlier formulation, which expressly also addressed
self-damage, was particularly determined by the problem of
doping. Doping and other possible forms of self-damage are also
excluded by the new more general wording (as well as partly by
the reference to the sports-specific rules and regulations).
However, in this area there are unfortunately scandalous
repression and cover-up efforts as well as too weak control and
sanction possibilities.
In the field of sport, too, the general ethical
norms naturally apply first and foremost; the "rules" specially
agreed for each kind of sport represent further, supplementary
norms. Regularity is a necessary, but not sufficient determining
factor for sport; it only by itself does not establish an ethical
standard (see below the remarks on boxing) as it is
generally accepted or demanded by society.
In questions of sport ethics, it is dubious for me
and necessary to discuss whether the legal principle "lex
specialis derogat legi generali" also applies here, i.e.
whether a special sports rule precedes the general ethical rules
and undermines them. One example is the current boxing rules,
according to which it is "allowed" to (severely) injure one's
opponent (see below!). I think that this legal principle
should not apply in sport. However, this question should be
discussed intensively and responsibly in general and in each
individual case.
A positive example of the primacy of general
ethical standards over rules based solely on the sport is in
sailing - similar to the road traffic regulations, by the way -
the requirement to perform a "manoeuvre of the last moment" as
far as possible, even if according to the right of way rules one
would have the right to maintain one's course. The sense is
obvious, not to harm anyone, not even the ships. Whoever does not
follow this general, superordinate rule (without necessity) will
be made co-responsible and possibly disqualified for the
following collision during regatta sailing despite his "right of
way".
Depending on the sense and tradition of a (kind of)
sport, sport specific rules are sometimes ethically problematic,
especially in combat and risk sports. Boxing, for example, is an
ethical border area for me, because according to the
current rules, it is part of the meaning of boxing to tend
to make the opponent by rule-utilizing toughness incapable of
fighting and thus also to accept serious consequences for the
health (up to death) for oneself and the opponent. Numerous
deaths directly "in the ring" and even more cases of severe
damage to the health of boxers are sufficient for me not to
regard boxing in its current form as a (kind of)
sport.
The rules could be changed by the (international)
boxing federations in such a way that these severe circumstances
or consequences would be decisively alleviated, for example by
changing the design of the boxing gloves. Only after the rules
have fundamentally "defused" would we be able to recommend our
children with a good conscience that they could take part in this
potentially very interesting sport. The half-hearted regulations
of a (controversial in its effectiveness) head protection have
obviously not decisively reduced the health risk.
About forty years ago, the USSR boxing organisation
made a completely repressed, in my opinion revolutionary attempt
to reduce the kinetic energy (and thus the effect) of straight
shots to estimated 5 percent by changing the position of the
hands in new boxing gloves (in the sketch above). For this
purpose, boxing gloves were proposed in which the middle hand was
slightly angled upwards and the finger joints were held slightly
curved in an open position in the glove (source:
report in the German daily newspaper "Unsere Zeit" (uz) of 09.
29. 1978).
.
This change of the rules would have considerably
reduced the health risks to boxers caused by numerous minor
concussions. Boxing would have been changed in the direction of
modern fencing, in which since a long time only symbolic
hits, light touches, have been achieved, which are determined
with high technical effort. Unfortunately, this proposal has not
been taken up. One may therefore assume that the majority of the
boxing officials (even in the amateur and youth sector, which was
"only" concerned at that time!) was (and still is) interested in
preserving the questionable "attraction" of boxing as a possible
(considerable) health hazard.
Historically, in my opinion, the ethical limit of
the prohibition of foreign or self-damage has been clearly
crossed from the outset in Roman gladiatorism, even if the
opponents were volunteers (which certainly sometimes happened).
In my opinion, gladiatorism should therefore not be dealt with in
representations of sport history; for I cannot count it as part
of the culture of movement either.
Also in some so-called "high-risk sports" the limit
of self-damage is in my opinion reached or exceeded.
The concrete demarcation can and must also be
argued about in this part of my definition in any case; everyone
will want to draw the demarcation somewhere else, but should -
especially as a scientist - disclose his (her) motives and
reasons for it.
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